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Object substitutions in play (e.g. using a box as a car) are strongly linked to language learning and their absence is a diagnostic marker of language delay. Classic accounts posit a symbolic function that underlies both words and object substitutions. Here we show that object substitutions depend on developmental changes in visual object recognition: 18- to 30-month old children (n = 63) substitute objects in play after they have developed the adult-like ability to recognize common objects from sparse models of their geometric structure. These developmental changes in object recognition are a better predictor of object substitutions than language or age. A developmental pathway connecting visual object recognition, object name learning, and symbolic play is proposed in which object substitutions are like the canary in the coal mine: they are not causally related to language delay, but their absence is an easily detected signal of a problem in language acquisition.

Decades of research demonstrate that a strong curricular approach to preschool education is important for later developmental outcomes. Although these findings have often been used to support the implementation of educational programs based on direct instruction, we argue that guided play approaches can be equally effective at delivering content and are more developmentally appropriate in their focus on child-centered exploration. Guided play lies midway between direct instruction and free play, presenting a learning goal, and scaffolding the environment while allowing children to maintain a large degree of control over their learning. The evidence suggests that such approaches often outperform direct-instruction approaches in encouraging a variety of positive academic outcomes. We argue that guided play approaches are effective because they create learning situations that encourage children to become active and engaged partners in the learning process.

Theoretical analyses of the development of numerical representations suggest that playing linear number board games should enhance young children’s numerical knowledge. Consistent with this prediction, playing such a game for roughly 1 hr increased low-income preschoolers’ (mean age = 5.4 years) proficiency on 4 diverse numerical tasks: numerical magnitude comparison, number line estimation, counting, and numeral identification. The gains remained 9 weeks later. Classmates who played an identical game, except for the squares varying in color rather than number, did not improve on any measure. Also as predicted, home experience playing number board games correlated positively with numerical knowledge. Thus, playing number board games with children from low-income backgrounds may increase their numerical knowledge at the outset of school.

Two experiments explored whether children’s correct answers to counterfactual and future hypothetical questions were based on an understanding of possibilities. Children played a game in which a toy mouse could run down either 1 of 2 slides. Children found it difficult to mark physically both possible outcomes, compared to reporting a single hypothetical future event, “What if next time he goes the other way …” (Experiment 1: 3–4-year-olds and 4–5-year-olds), or a single counterfactual event, “What if he had gone the other way …?” (Experiment 2: 3–4-year-olds and 5–6-year-olds). An open counterfactual question, “Could he have gone anywhere else?,” which required thinking about the counterfactual as an alternative possibility, was also relatively difficult.

In this paper, we suggest that the ability and opportunity to play affords children a natural resource to meet intellectual and emotional challenge. Analysis of case studies focusing on interventions with children caught in the bombing of Beirut, children abandoned to the state system in Romania, and the street children in Rio de Janeiro and Cali is used to support this view. When resources are in deficit, challenge is more likely to become adversity. The impact of adversity is particular to context, but comparison across contexts also shows connections between children’s disparate experiences. Analysis confirms that given the opportunity, children interact with and influence their environment through play and that this process provides a resource to meet the challenge of adversity.

Shape knowledge, a key aspect of school readiness, is part of early mathematical learning. Variations in how children are exposed to shapes may affect the pace of their learning and the nature of their shape knowledge. Building on evidence suggesting that child-centered, playful learning programs facilitate learning more than other methods, 4- to 5-year-old children (N = 70) were taught the properties of four geometric shapes using guided play, free play, or didactic instruction. Results revealed that children taught shapes in the guided play condition showed improved shape knowledge compared to the other groups, an effect that was still evident after 1 week. Findings suggest that scaffolding techniques that heighten engagement, direct exploration, and facilitate “sense-making,” such as guided play, undergird shape learning.

The current studies explored early humour as a complex socio-cognitive phenomenon by examining 2- and 3-year-olds’ humour production with their parents. We examined whether children produced novel humour, whether they cued their humour, and the types of humour produced. Forty-seven parents were interviewed, and videotaped joking with their children. Other parents (N= 113) completed a survey. Parents reported children copy jokes during the first year of life, and produce novel jokes from 2 years. In play sessions, 3-year-olds produced mostly novel humorous acts; 2-year-olds produced novel and copied humorous acts equally frequently. Parents reported children smile, laugh, and look for a reaction when joking. In play sessions, 2- and 3-year-olds produced these behaviours more when producing humorous versus non-humorous acts. In both parent reports and play sessions, they produced novel object-based (e.g., underwear on head) and conceptual humour (e.g., ‘pig says moo’) and used wrong labels humorously (e.g., calling a cat a dog). Thus, parent report and child behaviour both confirm that young children produce novel humorous acts, and share their humour by smiling, laughing, and looking for a reaction.

BackgroundAs an important aspect of health and development, a number of policy and practice initiatives across education, health and social care are aimed at increasing children’s emotional well-being. Links have been made between young children’s emotional well-being and play although empirical evidence is limited. This paper demonstrates that when children perceive an activity as play, they show more signs of emotional well-being than when they perceive the same activity as not play.MethodsOne hundred and twenty-nine children aged between 3 and 5 years participated in the study. The cues children use to differentiate play and not play were used to create an activity session that was ‘like play’ and an activity session that was ‘not like play’. The activity itself remained constant. Children were allocated to either of the activity session types alternately and emotional well-being was measured using the Leuvens Involvement Scale.ResultsThere was a significant difference in the level of emotional well-being displayed by children in the two activity session types. Children who undertook the ‘like play’ activity scored significantly higher than children who undertook the same activity but ‘not like play’. Detailed observational analysis also showed increased behavioural indicators relating to emotional well-being among children participating in the ‘like play’ rather than ‘not like play’ activity session.ConclusionChildren demonstrate increased emotional well-being when they perceive an activity as play rather than not play. Findings support the proposition that play can be seen as an observable behaviour but also as a mental state. As well as providing important evidence as to the value of play for enhancing children’s emotional well-being, findings are discussed in relation to professional practice in children’s services. The paper highlights the training needs of practitioners to enable them to understand children’s views about play and use this information to create playful situations which maximize the developmental potential of play.

Abstract Background and objectives In developing countries,caring for the large number of babies in orphanages is very hard work.Whereas the physical needs of most of the children are met,play often gets neglected.Studies have repeatedly shown that babies in such institutionalized settings suffer from severe psychomotor retardation.The aim of this project was to develop an intervention programme of structured play.We hypothesized that such an intervention would result in acceleration of psychosocial development in otherwise healthy institutionalized children. Design Prospective longitudinal. Setting Mother Teresa’s Orphanage, run by Missionaries of Charity. Subject and methods All 30 children in the orphanage aged 6 months–2.5 years,were assessed for their Motor,Mental and Social Quotients,using the Indian adaptation of Bailey’s Scale of Infant Development(DASII) and the Vineland’s Social Maturity Scale.A structured ‘Regime of Play’was then built into the routine of the orphanage.A repeat developmental assessment was performed at the end of 3months to assess the impact. Results Out of the original cohort of 30,19 children were available for post-intervention assessments.The remainder were adopted before their assessments.Their mean Motor Quotient rose from 63.7 to 81.7,mean Mental Quotient rose from 65.8 to 89.6 and the mean Social Quotient rose from 61.9 to 91.3,a gain of 18,23 and 30 points respectively (p< 0.0001).There was also an overall change in the environment of the orphanage.Children became more active,playful, responsive and independent.Contrary to what caretakers assumed, their workload actually decreased.The responsiveness in the children awakened as a result of play,acted as a positive feedback for caretakers to continue the play sessions. Conclusions This study shows that short daily sessions of play can significantly improve the development of children in such institutions. It is vital to remember that children grow ‘Not by Bread Alone’